Hypocrisy - Corporate Video Complains About Theft

Today I had an induction at a new company and amongst all the usual corporate bullshit that their indoctrination inductions always involve, all that guff about their ethos and how we are now a family, was a video which, at great length (considerably greater than the bit concerning customers anyway), complained about the theft of money and items from their company.

They even had the audacity to state that this theft is a "theft from each and every one of you". 

No it is not and will never be. All this theft is accomplishing is removing some of the profits that the company and its shareholders have extracted from the labour of the poor sod having to work his or her arse of every single day, on minimum wage, so that they can have an existence whilst the rich shirkers who own the company do nothing at all and feel entitled to other peoples labour. 

If there is a theft that requires mentioning in a video to your new employees, or commodities if you prefer, it is the one you knowingly commit every single day on your "family". Like a sociopath you're happily exploiting the labour of millions of people around the world, with supply chain included perhaps millions more, and then claiming that this work is beneficial to the communities in which you subject people to poverty by stealing what is rightfully theirs. 

I know some people will stumble across this little rant and think "what the fuck is this person on about? They own the company it's their right to make a profit. That's how capitalism works"

Yeah it is. And it's a problem that I have with it... the clue is in the blogs name. But what has annoyed me so much more about this induction today than usual, and countless many more that would have occurred around the planet today, was the fact that they said it was our money.

Acknowledging that we have generated this wealth whilst simultaneously providing us with an induction for a job paying £7.20 per hour.

Spread amongst a workforce of 300 people, almost all of whom will be on this pathetic wage, in a company taking £1,200,000 per week (as a member of staff was happy to inform us earlier in the week) from this one site alone.

Where is this money going? A lot of it, I will acknowledge, goes to buying the stock. Some more will go in to the running of the store, logistics, back end staff, etc... But you can bet most of the surplus value goes straight in to the pockets of the privileged leeches that run the business. The surplus value of our labour they stole from us, the employees.

Then they go and tell us to remain vigilant for theft. I think I've located the biggest thieves in the building.

The Problematic Material Within Left Wing Rap

Rap, as a genre, is easy to criticise for its materialistic and problematic lyricism. The mainstream, big-name, artists seemingly focusing most of their efforts on promoting a materialistic existence, free from critical analysis of the conditions their race, culture, or social class are faced with on a day-to-day basis. Furthermore, much of the rap you encounter when you switch the radio station to BBC 1Xtra, Capital Xtra, or Kiss actively appears to be promoting the destructive and hedonistic lifestyle that is doing nothing more than maintaining the status quo.

Often these mainstream rappers afflict upon their audiences notions of abnormality in groups who are also marginalised in society. Where females and LGBT groups, who should be allies in the struggles facing the communities from which most of these rappers emerge, are marginalised by the attitudes towards them expressed in the lyrics.

There is, however, plenty of artists within the genre that critically analyse the conditions of the disaffected within society. Among my favourite artists are Lowkey, Blue Scholars, Looptroop Rockers, Lupe Fiasco, KRS-One, Logic, and countless others worthy of mention if I was interested in simply writing a list rather than a blog post. They are artists that devote their music to facing the real issues within society. Rarely, if ever, would you hear one of these artists name check a brand or boast about the amount of money they earn and how this allows them to exert power of females. 

As a Marxist these artists are a blessing. I can listen to a genre of music I enjoy with a core message which I can identify with. They are, whether they identify with it or not, undeniably aligned more towards the socialist end of the spectrum than free-market liberalists. 

There is a glaring issue with much of the music produced by artists within this rap sub-genre however. That is because many of the more famous artists promote conspiracy theories as a source of the problems facing their communities. 

Immortal Technique, as an example, is one of the more problematic rappers within the genre due to his frequent usage of divisive terminologies and a prime example of this conspiratorial scapegoating. As a rapper he does tackle problems blighting communities within the third world, such as Neo-Imperialism, but whilst doing so will make references to the Illuminati, Stonemasons, 9/11 as an inside job, and even the biblical rising of the seven headed dragon, a popular conspirituality which believes that the seven heads are represented by living people on earth (represented by your Bushes and Bin-Ladens in Techniques lyrics).

Whilst this could be dismissed as lyric craft, whereby a picture is painted for the audience to enhance the song, it is the frequency in which these references are made which causes the issue. Along with many other rappers of the sub-genre, too much time is devoted to encouraging the audience that there are powerful secret societies working behind the scenes to perpetuate the inequality blighting the communities they inhabit. These rappers, while maintaining a useful core message, are watering down the power of their words with nonsense about nefarious, hidden, groups.

Rather than being a force for social change it actually reinforces the position of the hegemonic class within society. Whilst the oppressed and disaffected are concentrating on non-existent forces as the root cause of societal problems they are not focusing on the people within society truly profiting from their oppression. The capitalist class. Rap can be a powerful tool of expression for the working class, for black and minority ethnic groups, for women, and if the genre got its act together and stopped marginalising the LGBT groups it can becoming a powerful tool for them too. It is a problem that blights too much of the conversation of people who otherwise would identify exclusively as left-wing in their political alignment. And, in rap, one song is capable influencing an audience far greater than my pokey little blog, or the countless others like mine, could manage in a lifetime of articles.

Rap is musical poetry. It encourages, or should do, critical expression and reflection. But too often the gun is pointed in the wrong direction. Towards things that do not matter, things that promote the capitalist ideal, towards potential allies, or things that do not exist. 

It can be a rallying point for communities. A way to share experiences with other people from similar or differing backgrounds. It can highlight and bring understanding of the conditions of life an oppressed group faces on a daily basis. But only if used correctly.

I'll leave this post with a song from Akala, who for me is the exemplar of this particular genre and what it could be once free from the distractions of conspiracy theories.

Conspiracy Theory: Beliefs and Where They Emerge From

The growth in popularity of conspiracy theories has interested many social researchers and theorists for the last few decades. Commonly they are associated with the Kennedy Assassination or the threat of Communism in post-World War Two America today, with the widening availability of the internet, they are influencing more people than ever before. Only recently has the Conspiracy theory become part of the mainstream cultural landscape and political discourse, although often dismissed as being beliefs held by a small groups of outsiders. Conspiracy theories serve as explanations for difficult and complex systems that govern peoples lives. They hold great importance to people in an age where increasingly abstract forces control economics and globalisation threatens the traditional world view that previous generations would have held. To examine the conspiracy theory firstly, the models for understanding conspiratorial world-views require analysis. The work done by social researchers into the conspiracy theory has developed a few interesting understandings of what they are and how they develop in a society, which include firstly, 'Agency Panic' which briefly means that the loss of civil liberties for the general population is often a central theme to conspiracy theories. This may explain their appeal in a society in which liberal individualism is valued highly, with the fear of this loss of freedoms being central to a wide range of perceived conspiracies designed to subjugate a whole society or particular groups within a society. Secondly, the 'Paranoid Style' was a term originally developed by Hofstadter to explain the paranoid nature of American political discourse and is useful to understand the cultural and political landscape of the USA that targets all non-capitalist ideologies as the work of conspirators and secret societies. After this the phenomenon of 'Improvisational Millennialism' discussed by Barkun will be examined along with his types of conspiracies and his understanding of the Stigmatised knowledge favoured by conspiracy theorists. With this increased exposure to Conspiracy theories, the adoption of conspiracies into the apocalyptic milieu by Dispensationalists, the emergence of 'New Age' spiritualities and the rise in belief of extra-terrestrial life and UFOs, a new form of Conspiracy theory has emerged which has been called 'Conspiritualities', I will use Ward and Voas to explain where these beliefs have emanated from. I will take these models for understanding conspiracies and then apply them to the blog '2012 The Awakening'. This will create for a context to the conspiracy theory theories to be examined, thus providing an exploration of where and why the values and anxieties of the conspiracy theorist exist. 

The growing popularity of conspiracy theories according to Melley can be attributed to the “newly expanded definition, which accords the conspiracy broad explanatory power and enormous political utility” (Melley, 2000: 9). This definition accounts for its growing usage amongst the political elite and those who operate in the arena of ideological reproduction such as the media. The definition in its expanded form can be used to frame any opposing set of ideals or values to the accuser as being the work of conspirators. This panic response to opposing political ideologies can in some cases be a useful tool for the state to mobilise and generate support for its causes, therefore, heightening its popularity (Melley, 2000). However, a more common usage understands the state or at least part of the states apparatuses as being conspiratorial. This is how conspiracy theories play a particular role in society, they offer an explanation to a complex series of interlocking structures that govern our lives. For the average person, who does not possess all the required knowledge to make sense of the geopolitical and economic forces that govern the changes that they experience, they offer an understandable relation between causality and effect. The conspiracy theory therefore, offers a simplified explanation of the complex nature of the modern world (Melley, 2000). One way of understanding the rise in the popularity of conspiracy theories in society is 'Agency Panic', the idea that conspiracies are formed out of a “sense of diminished human agency, a feeling that individuals cannot effect meaningful social action” (Melley, 2000: 11). Melley defines agency panic as having two distinct but connected aspects, both expressing the fear of the loss of individuality amongst society and a diminished sense of personal agency,  with “a belief that the world is full of “programmed” or “brainwashed” subjects, addicts, automatons, or “mass-produced” persons” (Melley, 2000: 12). The second form of conspiracy is one which is associated with secret societies or hidden agendas within visible structures of government, religions, or big businesses. Conspiracy theories offer a solution to the groups of people who feel as though in the modern world that they inhabit they cannot exhibit their individuality and be truly autonomous, as social structures and organisations are inhibiting their ability to exercise these freedoms. This frames the individual and their actions in opposition to societal forces that fight between each other for control of human agency. By developing a conspiratorial world-view that insinuates that all social structures are inherently in opposition to the individual those that believe in the conspiracy can ignore differences in backgrounds and form a community of conspiracy theorists. This malleability of the conspiracy theory, alongside the liberal ideals of the west, offers an explanation of its appeal to varying groups who perceive a social inequality or their disengagement from society as being a consequence of conspiracies.

The 'Paranoid Style' is a term to explain the rise of paranoid or conspiratorial beliefs amongst the political elite and their supporters in American politics, particularly during the Cold War, and the conspiracy theories enduring popularity to explain world events post Soviet Union. Two main groups of people are attracted to conspiracy theories, according to Daniel Pipes, these are the Disaffected and the Suspicious. The disaffected are groups who “dislike the existing order and offer radical idea about changing it” (Pipes, 1997; 2). This category explains the appeal and prevalence of widespread belief in conspiracy theory amongst two distinct bodies of people, Pipes highlights, as an example, the black community and the far right in America. The spread of conspiracy theory beliefs has not only been limited to the politically disengaged within society, this is where Pipes analysis of conspiracy theory becomes strongest, as he highlights the impact it has in the rich and well educated communities in the USA. This group he labels the Suspicious. These beliefs tend to align with the beliefs of the far right disaffected, in that they focus on NWO or Masonic conspiracies typically containing a Luciferian religious underpinning. Notable examples are Republican Robertson, who believes forces are trying to replace the Christian, Liberal Capitalist, and Democratic USA with “an occult-inspired world socialist dictatorship” (Robertson cited in Pipes, 1997: 10) and a former presidential candidate for the Democrats, LaRouche, claiming that the English monarchy is at the centre of a global conspiracy involving “unrestrained Capitalism” and thus advocating “total war against Great Britain” (Pipes, 1997: 12). Both these examples support the understanding that the rise of conspiracy theory in the USA can be evidenced in the political rhetoric of the elites who frame ideological differences as being part of a vast conspiracy to undermine American values (Melley, 2000; Pipes, 1997). Pipes analysis details connections between seemingly opposing conspiracy theorists and explains the techniques used by theorists to legitimise their work with historical 'evidence', regardless of the time-scale, presenting their conspiracies as occurring through long-standing avenues such as the Knights Templar and the Bavarian Illuminati. Commonly such theories apply obscure information in favour of information that is generally accepted by the establishment and they tend to be protective of their sources stating that they wish to protect the informant. In addition to this they do not reject information that has been proven to be forged, such as the 'Protocols of the Elders of Zion', and rely on bombarding the cynic with large amounts of data, such as names and dates, to make their assertions seem more credible. When confronted with information that disproves their conclusions they assert that this is evidence of an attempt to cover up their account of the situation and in turn reinforces their belief in a particular conspiracy theory (Pipes, 1997). Furthermore, all conspiracies and their targets are indicative of a few common assumptions, the goal of the conspirators is always to gain control through hidden methods. Whichever group or organisations gains the most from this, in the theorists mind, is the conductor of the conspiracy. To them history is full of conspiracies with nothing happening without the conspirators input and that nothing is as it seems with conspiracies always hidden and impossible for the average person to see (Pipes, 1997; Barkun, 2003). Although Pipes analysis offers similarities between conspiracy theories which are commonly used by the theorist to provide legitimacy to their world view it, however, assumes that all history is orchestrated by timeless groups and not one off events which some conspiracy theorists believe are the result of a single conspiracy. Thus, it ignores differences between types of conspiracy and the methods used by the organisations or groups, Michael Barkun in 'A Culture of Conspiracy' develops this in his analysis.

There are many different groups implicated in malevolent actions by Conspiracy theorists, Some of these groups operate in public and are well recognised whilst others are abstract and hard to identify, with symbolism or historic connections being used by the theorists to point to their existence. Barkun outlines three types of conspiracies; Event Conspiracy, Systematic Conspiracy and the Superconspiracy. The event conspiracy is a single unconnected event that has been conducted by a group with a limited goal intended to be enacted through the orchestration of the objective, systematic conspiracies and superconspiracies differ from these in that they are much larger in their scope; however there is a distinct difference between both classifications. A systematic conspiracy is connected to an organisation that has ambitions usually to gain control over a country or even the world with a broad range of goals that they want to achieve and a range of mechanisms to achieve their goals, these are usually connected to Masonic or Jewish groups. Superconspiracies are even larger than the systematic conspiracies in their scope with organisations, usually understood to be conspiratorial in their goals, being used as arms sometimes against one another to achieve the end goal of the puppet-masters. At the top of these hierarchies they are very secretive and their existence is hidden from view, unlike most of the systematic and event conspiracies whose alleged conspirators are well known groups or organisations even if non-existent (Barkun, 2003). Barkun establishes types of knowledge used by the conspiracy theorist and the millennialist adoption of an end-time scenario, not only in traditional religious based narratives but also by the secular theorists. In addition to this he comments on the rise of ‘Improvisational Millennialism’ as being a source behind many of the newer conspiritualities, stating that these “odd conceptual structures are apt to contain elements from more than one religious tradition, together with ideas from the New Age, occultism, science, and radical politics” (Barkun, 2003: 19). This willingness to adopt beliefs from many radically differing traditions has been facilitated in part, according to Barkun, by the widespread nature of internet usage alongside the decline in traditional structures of power and information, for example, organised religion. As with Pipes (1997) Barkun states that this borrowing from traditions is typified by the information and beliefs of many conspiracy theorists, who use unorthodox sources and reject the traditional accounts for events in the world. Barkun calls their chosen sources for information 'Stigmatized Knowledge'. He identifies five types of knowledge used by the conspiracy theorist, Forgotten Knowledge that our ancestors once held, Superseded Knowledge which has been deemed false by science, Ignored Knowledge usually held by groups lacking in cultural capital, Rejected Knowledge which has always been considered false by the establishment, and Suppressed Knowledge hidden from us by those who control the power structures (Barkun, 2003). These ideas presented by Barkun have a great deal of commonality with conspiritualities in their assumptions and their chosen 'knowledge' as such it is hard to distinguish between conspirituality and improvised millennialism.

Conspiritualities are a blending of New Age beliefs from the cultic milieu and the conspiracy theory. Although neither have much in common with each other on the surface they have grown rapidly in popularity. This connection between the two worlds of spirituality and conspiracy may have been facilitated by the increased exposure to conspiracy theories through the media and the internet during the mid-late 90's and the need for large numbers of Americans to “experience spiritual growth” (Ward and Voas, 2011: 110). In creating their understanding of the world they borrow heavily from both the New Age and conspiracy narratives. A key theme of conspiritualities is the transformation of the world through an awakening of the population. They seek to enlighten the masses and in doing so expose the shadow forces manipulating the world (Ward and Voas, 2011). It is at this point that the two worlds of conspiracy and the New Age meet in, what Ward and Voas call, a “politico-spiritual philosophy” (Ward and Voas, 2011: 104). Where traditional conspiracy theories are predominantly right-wing in their politics the conspirituality employs traditions of the left. The awakening of the people leading to a new higher form of consciousness as the end of the 'old paradigm', particularly echoing the Marxist idea that the working class consciousness unifying would bring about the end of history and a new historical epoch. Interestingly the New Age cultic milieu offers a world that allows for hyper-individualisation, and as such, the spiritual shopper to pick and choose what aspects suit their life, thereby creating their own religiosity and world-view. This helps to resolve the autonomy anxiety expressed by the conspiracy theorist, alongside the inherent ability for a conspiracy theory to aid in recapturing some perceived sense of autonomy lost to the powerful forces controlling the world, giving the individual “purpose and focus” (Stewart and Harding, 1999: 294). Ward and Voas note that conspirituality is largely an “internet-based movement with a relatively modest presence in 'real life'” (Ward and Voas, 2011: 104). As such there is a need to examine one of the many conspirituality blogs on the internet.

The blog '2012 The Awakening' is edited by a person called Annette, who according to her About page, is a 'Starseed' who aims to “help others awaken to their Divine potential, to raise awareness about enormous metaphysical and geological earth changes unfolding at this time and to assist people in remembering why we have all chosen to experience this truly amazing time to be alive” (Annette, 2013). The blogs 'categories' include subjects such as 'The 2012 Effect – Strange new earth anomalies', 'Dark Cabal', 'ET's/Contactees', 'Guided Meditation', 'Starseeds' and 'Illuminati'. This mixture of spiritual and conspiratorial aspects largely collected from external sources are posted by Annette onto the site with links to the original source, generally from other conspiracy theorists or 'New Age' spiritualists, although links to newspaper articles are not uncommon. The blogs focus is on the 2012 prophecy and the associated transformation of human consciousness. 

Posted on December 18^th 2012 “The Shift of the Ages” by Patricia Diane Cota-Robles is a prime example of the spiritual shopping that occurs amongst the conspirituality movement. The post states that a shift in the positioning of the Earth in relation to the Milky Way’s galactic core will cause a shift in consciousness amongst the entirety of humanity (Cota-Robles, 2012). This understanding of the 2012 prophecy has borrowed from the Mayan calendar, Christianity, Astrology, and elements from the cultic milieu, such as Light work and Vibrational frequencies having an effect on the planet and leading to the creation of a 'New Earth'. This shift is presented as an entering into the Age of Aquarius and signalling the return of Christ to humanity and the establishment of heaven on Earth. Therefore, it fits with Barkun's 'Improvised Millennialism' as a form of imminent spiritual awakening not wholly connected to a religious or secular understanding of an end of history scenario. A post made after the uneventful end of the Mayan calendar on the 22^nd December 2012 offers the believer comfort that the ascension into a new form of earthly consciousness did take place, via a channelled message from non-physical entities, stating that “we know that you are well across the midpoint of your threshold NOW! We also see that there are many among you who feel disoriented, and aren’t quite sure where they are! They are not sure if they crossed, or if they even found a threshold to cross at all!” (Dagley, 2012) before offering solace that if the believer keeps moving forward they will begin to see that they have crossed the threshold. This reaction to an uneventful passing of a millennialist event is quite similar to the way that Millennialists can adapt their beliefs and world-views despite their predictions, for example of the rapture or Christ’s return on a particular date, being proved incorrect, It is commonly observed that they often continue to have faith in the biblical prophecy merely believing that they had misinterpreted the signs. A prominent example of this would be the Millerites who after their failed prophecy a large proportion of them split, adapted their understanding of the biblical end times and “formed their own denomination, Seventh-Day Adventists” (Fenster, 2008: 207).

Posted on the 4^th December 2011, the article “Andromeda Council: East China Sea 6.9 quake – Undersea reptilian base destroyed” states that the earthquake that happened on the 8^th November 2011 was the result of a “sonic energy beam strike” (Webre, 2011) from space by another alien race with the intention of destroying this Reptilian complex. It is in this posting that the picture of conspirituality becomes the clearest, it is from within the editors note the relationship between New Age beliefs and conspiracy theory is expressed. The editor writes that the “Reptilian bases were sending out beams of fear and negative energy” and that “if the unwashed masses knew the power to create a better life was within, game over the ruling elite could no longer maintain their control” (Annette, 2011). Comparisons between this understanding of collective consciousness being awoken between amongst the 'masses' leading to a Utopian future echoes the Marxist understanding, that the dawning of true collective consciousness amongst the working class would lead to revolution to overthrow the capitalist elite. This can be understood within the context of this blog as being “a paranoiac desire” which is “a “normal” desire within the highly structured economic and cultural regime of capitalism” to view those behind the power structures of Capitalism as sinister (Fenster, 2008: 108). This is further supported by the blogs categories, for example 'Capitalism Run Amuck', that indicates a broadly socialist ideological perspective being held by the editor and the call for humanity to “stop focusing on money and materialism so that we can better serve each other” (Annette, 2011). The UFO conspiracy, and all of its assorted assumptions about state secrets and human history, can be seen as an ambiguous commentary on our own existence within an increasingly secular and confusing world. Stewart and Harding describe it as “a postmodern popular midrash on contemporary American politics, society, culture, and everyday life” (Stewart and Harding, 1999: 296).

More traditional aspects of conspiracy theory are also covered within the blog such as the 'Illuminati', in a post from June 29^th 2013, written about a large scale of this conspiracy involving 'black operations' and secret societies. This indicates a belief that a Superconspiracy is the guiding force behind human history. The opening paragraph states that the post is a “comprehensive and well researched account of America's hidden history” and that “the history taught in schools and university's was written and shaped by the winners over many generations, until recently very few people knew the truth or had the whole picture” (Annette, 2013). The opening paragraph of this post highlights both the belief in suppressed knowledge from within the conspiracy theorist literature as the right source of information and all other sources being misinformation from the many different groups of conspirators. As noted by Barkun, a conspiracy theory that encompasses many different groups makes it incredibly resistant to contradictory information “for if everyone besides the conspiracist and the reader is complicit, then no information outside conspiracist literature can be relied upon” (Barkun, 2003: 69). The article referenced on the blog places the conspiracies earliest years in the 17^th Century with the formation of the 'East India Company' by Queen Elizabeth I. The author writes that “history has not been a random series of events, but rather a carefully planned and executed 'design' of land, wealth and resource grabbing by a small number of wealthy and privileged individuals bent on world domination” (Not known, 2013). The purpose of the 'East India Company' was to secretly learn how to manipulate the financial landscape of India whilst selling Opium into the Chinese, by doing this the author claims the 'East India Company' became hugely wealthy and merged with the British monarchy to become the 'Committee of 300', which is subsequently placed at the top of the Superconspiracies hierarchy by the author (Not Known, 2013). This historical context for the conspiracy and the implications it has upon the world is noted by Hofstadter who writes that the 'paranoid style' is more complex than a simple belief in a conspiracy theory and that those who think in this manner do not see “conspiracies or plots here and there in history, but that they regard a ‘vast’ or ‘gigantic’ conspiracy as the motive force in historical events” (Hofstadter cited in Bratich, 2008: 32). The attacks on and placing of corporate and ideological structures within the context of a conspiracy theory by the author of the article is indicative of what Frederic Jameson calls a “poor person's cognitive mapping” (Jameson cited in Fenster, 2008: 108). By this he means it allows for the complexities of Capitalist influences on the individuals life to be understood in way that makes sense to the person who would not otherwise be able to grasp the intricate nature of forces that determine the course of history.

Although the conspiracy theory has been the subject of much political discourse in America in particular throughout the 20^th Century, with politicians embracing ideas of non-conformity to their political ideologies as being part of a world-wide conspiracy to subjugate and control the American population. Often organisations ideas like the UN, or more commonly Communism, took on the role of malevolent organisations seeking to impose anti-individualistic ideals upon the world. This world-view is most prominent amongst the Far-right and Christian elements of American politics, with themes of the apocalypse often appearing within the conspiratorial rhetoric. The political paranoia and subsequent conspiracy rhetoric has gained momentum in recent years, this is due to the availability of conspiracy theories through the internet and, increasingly, the conventional media. A distrust of the official accounts of events such as 9/11 can lead individuals to a plethora of internet sites offering alternative explanations for the events that unfolded from a non-corporate source. This information could be particularly appealing to groups who feel alienated from the masses within society. This is why the belief in conspiracies has spread to those on the left, increasingly becoming an commonplace part of the collective world-view amongst Socialists. The alternative access to information the internet provides enables users to build a large community of conspiracy theorists. It also provides the chance to pick and choose what they wish to believe in accordance with what suits their individual outlook on life and society. Its distinction from the traditional sources of information allows the conspiracy theorists to exercise their own autonomy and feel as though they are making a difference in the world, in so far that they are revealing the truth behind a perceived loss of agency in the world. The rise of internet based conspiracy communities has facilitated the spread of alternative spiritualities and millennialist ideas about the end of history or shifting paradigms, this is more commonly being incorporated into the conspiracy theorists understanding of the world. Furthermore, the merging of spirituality and conspiracy theory into conspiritualities is the result of the changing nature of society and the increased levels of people looking for answers away from the traditional sources whether they are political or spiritual in nature. They are increasingly choosing the internet to discover alternative understandings of spirituality and world events. This adaptable approach to their belief systems sees the individual borrowing ideas from multiple religions and cultures in constructing their understanding of prophecies and world events such as the Mayan calendar, which was to destroy the world or bring about a paradigm shift depending on the theory, and gained world wide coverage. This event largely entered into the public consciousness due to the multiplicity of internet sites, films, books and articles written about the many different possibilities offered by the conspiritualitists. Ufology whilst always popular amongst the western imagination has become a prime example of the conspiritual understanding of the universe and the world, with many differing explanations of the nature of the aliens, from benevolent extra-dimensional non-physical beings to malevolent terrestrial underground shape-shifters controlling humanity. The conspiritual milieu allows for the theorists to create their own understanding of the hidden forces amongst humanity. These alien beliefs can, and usually do, take the form of Superconspiracies. It is within superconspiracies that large proportions of the internet-based conspiracy theorists beliefs reside, such as secret societies manipulating the world in accordance with the views of the NWO, Jews, Illuminati or Aliens. Access to this stigmatised knowledge through the internet has allowed for conspiracy theorists to create incredibly complex and hard to discredit versions of world power-structures with secret societies controlling every aspect of human history. This has only further aided the growing popularity of conspiracy theories due to an increased dissatisfaction with events in the world caused by secret societies with goals counter to humanities best interests.

References

Melley, T. (2000). Empire of Conspiracy: The Culture of Paranoia in Postwar America. New York: Cornell University Press

Pipes, D. (1997). Conspiracy. New York: The Free Press.

Barkun, M. (2003). A Culture of Conspiracy: Apocalyptic Visions in Contemporary America. London: University of California Press.

Ward, C and Voas, D. (2011). The Emergence of Conspirituality. Journal of Contemporary Religion. 26 (1), 103-121.

Annette. (Unknown). About. Available: http://ascendingstarseed.wordpress.com/about/. Last accessed 29/11/2013.

Fenster, M. (2008). Conspiracy Theories: Secrecy and Power in American Culture. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Bratich, J. Z. (2008). Conspiracy Panics: Political Rationality and Popular Culture. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Cota-Robles, P. D. (2012). ♥ ♥ ♥ The Shift of the Ages ♥ ♥ ♥. Available: http://ascendingstarseed.wordpress.com/2012/12/18/%E2%99%A5-%E2%99%A5-%E2%99%A5-the-shift-of-the-ages-%E2%99%A5-%E2%99%A5-%E2%99%A5/. Last accessed 30/11/2013.

Dagley, J. (2012). 12.22.12 Yes,You ARE Crossing! Keep Going, Beloved!. Available: http://ascendingstarseed.wordpress.com/2012/12/22/12-22-12-yesyou-are-crossing-keep-going-beloved/. Last accessed 30/11/2013.

Annette. (2011). Andromeda Council: East China Sea 6.9 quake – Undersea reptilian base destroyed. Available: http://ascendingstarseed.wordpress.com/2011/12/04/andromeda-council-east-china-sea-6-9-quake-undersea-reptilian-base-destroyed-add-a-comment-alfred-lambremont-webres-photo-alfred-lambremont-webre-seattle-exopolitics-examiner-continu/. Last accessed 01/12/2013.

Webre, A. L. (2011). Andromeda Council: East China Sea 6.9 quake – Undersea reptilian base destroyed. Available: http://ascendingstarseed.wordpress.com/2011/12/04/andromeda-council-east-china-sea-6-9-quake-undersea-reptilian-base-destroyed-add-a-comment-alfred-lambremont-webres-photo-alfred-lambremont-webre-seattle-exopolitics-examiner-continu/. Last accessed 01/12/2013.

Not Known. (2013). Secret Societies: The Committee of 300, The Jesuits, 13 Illuminati Papal Bloodline Families, The Corporation of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, The Federal Reserve Bank, Operation Paperclip & MK-Ultra…MUST READ. Available: http://ascendingstarseed.wordpress.com/2013/06/29/secret-societies-the-committee-of-300-the-jesuits-13-illuminati-papal-bloodline-families-the-corporation-of-the-united-states-of-america-the-federal-reserve-bank-operation-paperclip-mk-ul/. Last accessed 01/12/2013.

Annette. (2013). Secret Societies: The Committee of 300, The Jesuits, 13 Illuminati Papal Bloodline Families, The Corporation of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, The Federal Reserve Bank, Operation Paperclip & MK-Ultra…MUST READ. Available: http://ascendingstarseed.wordpress.com/2013/06/29/secret-societies-the-committee-of-300-the-jesuits-13-illuminati-papal-bloodline-families-the-corporation-of-the-united-states-of-america-the-federal-reserve-bank-operation-paperclip-mk-ul/. Last accessed 01/12/2013.

Stewart, K and Harding, S. (1999). BAD ENDINGS: American Apocalypsis. Annual Review of Anthropology. 28 (1), 285-310.

Laughter And Superiority

You may have noted that the right-wing are constantly referring to the left-wing agenda spouted by comedians on 'panel shows' and the lack of right-wing comedians being given air time by the 'liberal' media. They frequently show a lack of enthusiasm for satirical depictions of their arguments, as anyone would, but to a greater degree than most well balanced and thoughtful individuals would bordering on the paranoid. This explains, in my opinion, exactly why they are so resistant to any critical analysis of their ideological position. How humour can subvert the conservative position which attempts to reinforce the dominant position of the social class that they represent. It also serves the purpose of providing an argument for why we on the left should once more find our funny bones.

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The superiority theory is one of three competing theories that attempt to define the purpose of humour in society and was the dominant understanding of humour from antiquity until the end of the enlightenment era in the 18^th century. Throughout this period laughter was viewed with suspicion and the scholars throughout history sought ways to control, limit, or even eradicate laughter from society, or at the minimum high society. Most of these scholars believed that laughter had the power to subvert the existing hierarchy of power; they believed it was a form of rebellion. The Greek philosophical teachings of Plato and Aristotle will be examined first, which will show how in ancient Greece the philosophers believed that the humour of the masses inverted the hierarchical position of society by allowing for the ridiculing of the scholars, doctors and other elites by the masses. The theologian perspective on laughter will follow this and explain how a significant proportion of middle-age theologians believed that ridicule, laughter, and above all Carnival, had no place in Christianity. They believed if you were to correctly follow the teachings of God you were to discipline your body. To absolve yourself of sin they believed you must restrain from raucous laughter. Thomas Hobbes thoughts on humour and its understanding in the context of psychology will be presented next which will argue that all laughter, not only the laughter of the masses, is anti-social and inherently unpleasant, due to the purpose of laughter being the confirmation of the ridiculer being in a superior position in relation to another. Once the superiority theory has been presented, through the writings of key thinkers accredited with the largest influence upon its establishment as an influential theory on humour, the counter arguments will prove why they were wrong to distrust the social effects of humour and why humour serves a strong, useful, and positive purpose in society.

Superiority theorists claim that humour is used by people within society to mock and attack the object of the joke, comedy or humorous quip. They were concerned with the effects of uncontrolled and vulgar forms of laughter, and object to humour on the pretence that it was offensive to either religious traditions, theological arguments, or to the established social order and the social hierarchy that defined the upper echelons of society as being naturally superior. The position of laughter as an oppositional force to the ethical understanding of the world can be characterised to fit into the prevalent moral and ethical code of the particular culture it resided within, from the ancient Greek philosophers and their ethics of virtue, the religious middle ages and the ethics of royalty and god, through to the enlightenment and modern societies understanding of ethics, those of Kant and Bentham (Morreall, 2005). Most superiority theorists believed that wit and controlled laughter could serve a social function if used by the elite classes in their particular epoch to discipline those who were in a morally indefensible position. As such the superiority theorists were not opposed to all forms of humour, they merely wished to reduce the frivolous elements of humour and preserve the correct and serious mannerisms that were considered to be considerably evident in the more desirable characteristics of the elite and educated members of society.

The earliest form of what is called 'superiority theories' of humour emerged from ancient Greece and its philosophical teachings by Aristotle, Plato and Socrates. These philosophisers were concerned by the social effects of laughter and its ability to subvert the social hierarchy as they considered the frivolity associated with much of the laughter in society to be unethical or below what individuals in society should aspire to be. In contending that there was too much laughter in the world they did not oppose all forms of laughter, they conceded, in contrary to today's accepted standard of humour that laughter, that ridiculing others could be beneficial to society as a punishment within reasonable and acceptable situations, for example if a friend displays an “ignorance-based vain conceit of beauty, wisdom or wealth” (Zillmann, 1983: 86). This does not extend to the concept of schadenfreude, as it is known today, as joy should not be derived from the misfortune of those who are not your friends or equals. The idea of an idealised state run by philosophers was discussed by Socrates; this Platonic idea would see the states superiors strictly control the lower orders of society, to ensure they treated their superiors with the respect they commanded. One of the ways this would be achieved was through the promotion of the seriousness of life amongst society, as such “laughter was one of the pleasures to be tightly controlled, particularly the sort of impertinent laughter that mocks authority” (Billig, 2005: 41). This seriousness of life extended beyond the subordinate sections of this ideal society to those who would deemed the higher orders of society who would be discouraged from engaging in unchecked frivolity, including representations of elites such as gods in literature, advocating an acceptable censorship in society that would remove such influences over future generations of educated superior elements of society. This should be relaxed in certain circumstances as laughter could provide a useful function in this idealised republic, in circumstances where laughter could mock undesirable depictions of masculinity, for example, the higher orders in this republic should “laugh in the serious interests of morality, truth and discipline” (Billig, 2005: 41). This may seem paradoxical but it was not the witty and disciplinary forms of humour that Plato believed were incompatible with an idealised republic; it was the baser forms of carnivalesque humour associated with the lower ranks of society, which mocked their superior’s culture and knowledge, such a philosophy, the doctors, and other scholars (Bremmer, 1997). This they believed was counter-productive to the rigidity of the established class divide of society, by engaging in this sort of laughter at their superiors expense they were subverting the important class hierarchy of society, the respectful discipline that was demanded of the lower echelons of society must be maintained at all times, at least in respect to their superiors. Their codes for laughter and ridicule ensured that people remained embedded within this hierarchy, echoed by the myths of the gods, that amongst other things “contributes to keeping society stable and 'normal'” (Gilhus, 1997: 33).

Aristotle differed slightly from both Plato in his understanding of laughter, they however both argued that the need for a curtailing of undesirable laughter was important to the continued improvement of Greek society and that it was desirable to mock certain elements of society that required that reaction. For Aristotle this was the essence of comedy, which aimed to induce mockery and laughter at those who are inferior when compared to yourself, precisely because by depicting the comedic character as ugly or deformed, meaning that they are ethically or socially inferior according to standards in ancient Greece, the audience is encouraged to feel superior to the character and laughter is permissible. This would only occur on the stipulation that the misfortune and “the laughable is an error or disgrace that does not involve pain or destruction” (Bekker in Heath, 1996: 62) and that these characters were “the lowly persons (such as peasants and slaves) who are only peripheral in tragedy; and comic characters, even those of high status, will tend to behave badly” (Heath, 1996: 62). This laughing at the ugly or deformed was considered to be buffoonery, a form of humour that was considered to be the preserve of the lower ranks of Greek society. Similarly to Plato, wit was the encouraged form of humorous exchange which Aristotle explained could be a useful tool in the art of persuasion in 'Rhetoric', continuing the class based assumptions that the educated higher class should only engage in the morally superior and acceptable forms of humour and avoid the less civilised buffoonery engaged in by the lower orders in Greek society. This was to be maintained, even at the expense of the effectiveness of the argument, as the preservation of the correct social mannerisms was imperative when engaging in conversation with an individual of similar social standing. The higher orders of society should never engage in buffoonery in order to “maintain standards of taste and class” (Billig, 2005: 44). Aristotle believed that there was too much humour exhibited by people within Athenian society, they must learn to moderate humour into correct and acceptable levels, and that people, for Aristotle, were morally obliged to do this. In doing so they should shun all buffoonery and engage in wit and irony befitting their social standing, this distinguishing of good and bad forms of humour was steeped in the social hierarchy that attributed the base forms of humour with the negative connotations associated with the lower social groups.

The distinguishing between good and bad humour did not end with the ancient Greeks, many Christian theologians throughout history have contemplated the subject of humour in what could be considered the “long tradition of grim theologians” (Billig, 2005: 48) with contempt towards its frivolous nature, in particular the long standing tradition of carnival. Like the ancient Greek philosophers, theologians too conceded that some laughter could serve a moral purpose or was permissible if restrained and joyous. The exact opposite of the raucous laughter enjoyed by the masses in carnival. The middle-age theologians believed that in serving God in a righteous manner humans were supposed to be disciplined in body and in soul, this extended to laughter as they thought that by laughing a person would be taking “the first step on the road to perdition” (Gilhus, 1997:62). Theologians believed that by continuing the unbridled pagan traditions associated with the raucous celebration of the body during Carnival, the masses were risking god's disdain due to the inherent vulgarity of this festival. Many within the Christian faith believed that by continuing this tradition and revelling in the festivities you were not serving the church and God in their intended manner, “Carnival and 'Easter laughter' were viewed by many as a pagan leftover, to be driven out of Christian lands” because they had the potential subvert the word of God as “a satirical society could use them for critical comments on Church and state” (Screech, 1997: 226). It was ridicule at the expense of the heathens that was to be acceptable, as God himself would delight in such activities. Theologians looked towards the ancient Greek philosophers to understand the place of humour in society, a leading understanding of laughter that they drew upon was one reading of Socrates that they understood as being good laughter was that “laughter in God and Man comes from the perception of ignorance in the butt of their laughter” (Screech, 1997: 62). For the theologians this reading endorsed the laughter of the pious whilst neglecting, and therefore rejecting, the carnivalesque laughter of the masses. They believed that both Plato and Socrates were inspired by God, that they were foreshadowing his arrival on Earth, the logos; as such they were prescribed a significant amount of authority over Christian discourses surrounding laughter (Screech, 1997). It is here that the links between the Christian theological perspective and the ancient Greek philosophers on laughter can be observed, both traditions believed in the importance of a seriousness to their social dealings, they were similar in believing there was far too much laughter in their respective societies, they both believed that the raucous laughter of the masses was morally and ethically undesirable to the accepted standards of high class behaviour in their particular epoch, additionally they believed that with the right person and moral guidance laughter could serve a purpose in society as a tool to ridicule those who do not conform to their norms.

Thomas Hobbes provides a psychological explanation of humour in that he departs from the earlier superiority theorists who yielded acceptability to certain forms of humour, the account of that Hobbes devised viewed all laughter as having negative consequences for society. This does not exclude all similarities between their understandings of humour as both Hobbes and Aristotle identified the same object of the laughter, the butt of the laughter being those who are weak or deformed, but for Hobbes it was the weak who laughed at the weaker (Zillmann, 1983). In this understanding of laughter, it is the consequence of selfish desires which constructs all motivation in life; all we do for others is a reflection of this. This is where humour enters into his discussion on the human and of human selfishness, as the instinct to laugh at those much less fortunate than the perceived self in comparison, he writes that humour to those who “are conscious of the fewest abilities in themselves; who are forced to keep themselves in their own favour, by observing the imperfections of other men” (Hobbes cited in Wickberg, 1998: 48). What Hobbes is explaining is that in comparing ourselves to another person who we perceive as inferior or more unfortunate we experience pleasure, the psychological effect of this encourages laughter, we do so to feel superior to that individual and laugh at their position relative to our own. In this Hobbes argued the inherent objectionable quality of humour is exposed, because ridicule and mockery are key components of humour it like other virtuous actions were selfishly motivated, for him “laughter for 'nothing else' but sudden glory, just as goodness was nothing else but self interest” (Billig, 2005: 52) regardless of whether the humour is typified by the high class witticisms vaunted by other superiority theorists. In comparing yourself to an 'inferior' person you were not fulfilling your human potential, for Hobbes it was more fruitful to relinquish the selfish act of laughter to compare yourself to an intellectual or moral superior in an attempt to better yourself and escape the small minded mentality of those who engaged in humour. Hobbes' view was that laughter was anti-social in nature, he perceived it as a form of rebellion that had the potential to subvert society’s order (Billig, 2005).

Whilst the superiority theorist correctly identified the source of much laughter as being derogatory to another individual, or their respective social class, and identified its corrective potential, they ignored some of the most important elements of laughter and humour. The absence of recognition for innocent forms of humour such as word play or incongruity, arising from bizarre situations not involving another person, points to an inability for the superiority theory to explain correctly the purpose of laughter to an individual and society. More importantly, the superiority theory assumes that all social change and comment as the result of laughter or humour is implicitly negative, this is problematic as rational, modern societies openly encourage reflective critique of their social structures, thus improving failing systems and validating the existence of those which pass the test. A joke can look at a particular social structure and reveal its true nature, what was thought as being acceptable and rational can be revealed to be the exact opposite, thus asking for reflection upon the existence of the structure or practise. It is here that the power of laughter is revealed and why the early Greek and Christian superiority theorists incorrectly feared the power of laughter as an agent for social change, as “humour can change the situation in which we find ourselves, and can even have a critical function with respect to society” (Critchley, 2002: 10). They feared it destroying the social order of their epochs, rather than embracing its corrective, rational potential. The early superiority theorists believed that ridicule in witty retorts could work as a disciplinary mechanism to correct undesirable characteristics in people, but they focused upon the right of high status individuals to exercise this power over ‘lesser’ individuals to ensure the continuation of the existing social order. The phenomenon of parody, which has existed since Greece, had the potential to change the social order for the better through language. The power of parody in language “is like its natal genre of epideictic speech: the public formalization of language beside itself puts social conventions on display for collective reflection” (Hariman, 2008: 251). If this is the case then all forms of parody, including some elements of buffoonery, would serve a useful and corrective function for their society, irrespective of whether it originated in high or low status groups. In essence, early superiority theorists were neglecting laughter’s seriousness embedded in a shroud of foolishness. The Hobbesian understanding of superiority theory too is not without problems, which states that laughter is simply self-congratulation when we favourably compare a weakness in another to ourselves; it is laughter of derision. This is proven false, as although much humour does arise from this comparison a significant proportion of what humans find laughable comes not from a comparison with perceived weakness in another but from incongruities, enjoyable group or individual situations and the aforementioned political or social satire, thus containing little to no malice. In all of these examples it is not laughter derived from a selfish desire to reduce the position of another person, they are social rather than psychological, they serve the purpose of group bonding or even in achieving altruistic goals. So humour “need not be self-evaluative any more than action need be self-serving”(Morreall, 1983: 14).

The superiority theorists developed an understanding of the effects of laughter upon their society that suited their world-view; they believed wrongly that laughter would have a negative impact upon the lives of the individuals that lived within their society. By developing a theory or understanding of laughter that placed suspicion upon it they failed to identify how laughter and humour could work as a mechanism for positive social change, by labelling laughter as the preserve of the foolish or small minded individuals they rejected the insight of social structures that could be discerned from the humour that ridiculed irrational aspects of society. The early superiority theorists believed that seriousness was the only morally and ethically defensible position for an intellectual, somewhat paradoxically promoting the use corrective laughter which identified a weakness in another and attacking them as the only positive form of laughter, rather than buffoonery that contained elements of thoughtful social critique. The attempts to suppress or discourage the carnival celebrations of the masses, similarly to the worry over the Grecian hierarchy being subverted by baser forms of humour, was raised from the concern with the social effects of the festivals to mock the traditions of the Christian faith. Additionally, like the Greek philosophical tradition, they believed that a serious and disciplined body was to be encouraged for the preservation of the correct lifestyle for Christians, in this they reduced the traditional celebrations and its social critique to frivolous neglect of the spiritual role the church should adopt. Finally, whilst Thomas Hobbes correctly identified the source of much laughter being unethical in its hurtful relationship between the superior and inferior subjects of the laughter he failed to address the innocent and positive aspects of laughter. By predominantly addressing the phenomenon of laughter in psychological terms he refused to confront the important social aspects inherent in the production of laughter and humour, those of group bonding and non-derisive self-reflection. Due to these weaknesses and oversights in the superiority theorists thoughts, their distrust of the social effects of laughter cannot be considered to be the correct position to have taken towards laughter and humour, by refusing to confront the positive aspects of laughter they rejected the powerful and effective results that are evident in some elements of humour.

References

Billig, M. (2005). Laughter and Ridicule: Towards a Social Critique of Humour. London: Sage.

Bremmer, J. (1997). Jokes, Jokers and Jokebooks in Ancient Greek Culture. In: Bremmer, J and Roodenburg, H. A Cultural History of Humour: From Antiquity to the Present Day. Cambridge: Polity Press. 11-28.

Critchley, S. (2002). On Humour. London: Routledge.

Gilhus, I. S. (1997). Laughing Gods, Weeping Virgins. London: Routledge.

Hariman, R. (2008). Political Parody and Public Culture. Quarterly Journal of  Speech. 94 (3). 247-272.

Heath, M. (1996). Poetics. London: Penguin Books.

Morreall, J. (1983). Taking Laughter Seriously. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Morreall, J. (2005). Humour and the Conduct of Politics. In: Lockyer, S and Pickering, M. Beyond a Joke: The Limits of Humour. London: Palgrave Macmillan. 63-78.

Screech, M. A. (1997). Laughter at the Foot of the Cross. London: Penguin Books.

Wickberg, D. (1998). The Senses of Humor: Self and Laughter in Modern America. London: Cornell University Press.

Zillman, D. (1983). Disparagement Humour. In: McGhee, P. E and Goldstein, J. H. Handbook of Humor Research. New York: Springer-Verlag. 85-108.

How Advertisers Sell Us An Idea Rather Than Product

This was a piece of work I produced a few years ago analysing the visual advertisement techniques in Old Spice's 'smell like a man, man' campaign. 

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This essay will examine the techniques used in the advertising of Old Spice body-wash during the campaign 'smell like a man, man'. Firstly, it will provide a description on why this advertisement was chosen to be examined for its techniques, who it targets, and why only one advertisement from the campaign was selected to highlight. Next the essay will explain the use of the assumption that males in society are less competent than the man being portrayed in the advert, and why the humorous nature of the advertisement is required to deflect some of the tension associated with males being portrayed this way for a male product. Following this the focus will shift towards the use of the 'female gaze' to sell this product and the associated assumption of male desirability that this advertisement is using to target a female audience, thus convincing them to buy this product for their partners. Finally, it will examine the advertisements signs and what picture they tell us about the products desirability and the what it tells us about the way the advertisers have positioned the product to assume characteristics associated with an idealised form of masculinity and social class mobility. 

The old spice campaign titled 'smell like a man, man', unusually for a male product, targeted a female audience as the old spice advertisers recognised that a large percentage of male health and beauty products were brought by females for their partners. This targeting of females offers some interesting variations and observations for the advertising campaign compared to a more traditional targeting of males for male hygiene products, and these variations in the techniques will be examined in this essay. The advertising campaign 'smell like a man, man' initially consisted of three advertisements for old spice shower gel, although this expanded to a series of web based advertisements which ran for a much longer period of time. For the purpose of this essay I will only focus on the initial television advertisement 'Smell like a man, man', although I may touch upon the other two television adverts in this campaign, as these had a much larger audience, many similarities, and clearer techniques used by the advertisers, than the web based ads utilised. The web advertisements largely played off their initial popularity in the process parodying the original adverts. 

The advert plays on the relationship between males and females in society, with the assumption in the advertisement that the idealised form of masculinity, for the female audience, is personified by the male in the advertisement. The male moves through the advertisement and performs a series of tasks that are considered to be ideal traits in a male. With the assumption being that no other man can live up to these expectations, but he can at least be more like this idealised male if he uses old spice body-wash. The portrayal of the idealised male in this advertisement works in opposition to the assumption of the female audiences incompetent male partner, for the purpose of generating a humorous attitude towards both the male in the advertisement and the male figure in real life. This incompetence amongst males, in advertising through the utilisation of humour, is a technique noted by Elliott and Wootton who, when writing about the portrayal of gender in television advertising, particularly chocolate advertising, stated that “stylings of men in ads which show them as prone to incompetence and ineptitude usually exploit forms of humour in which such ineptitude plays a central role” (Elliott and Wootton, 1997; 449). Although in this advertisement, the male is portrayed far from being inept and is shown perform a number of tasks with a high level of skill and ability, the humour is derived from the audience participating in the acknowledgement that this form of masculinity is unattainable for most men. Thus, its humour is derived upon this from the opening lines of the first commercial in this campaign, where the protagonist asks the female audience to engage in this narrative, saying “Hello ladies, look at your man, now back to me, now back at your man, now back to me. Sadly he isn't me, but if he stop using lady scented body-wash and switched to old spice he could smell like he's me”. Even though this advertisement is aimed at women, the product is for male consumption, as such the advertisement is set in a parody situation to avoid awkwardness with male audiences. This technique attempts to eliminate the risk of male alienation from the product being sold by offering a comedic element to the male viewing of this idealised form of masculinity. Men may feel uncomfortable with gazing upon the male physique within the advertisement if it offers a challenge to their heterosexuality, this could lead to a sense of sexual insecurity associated with the product, to avoid this the advertisements comedy allows the male viewer to not feel threatened by the male body on show through its use of comedy. As stated by Steinman with regards to this technique “risk is low, since parody is not erotic” (Steinman, 1992; 203).

This assumption assumes that the viewer and target audience for this advertisement wants this form of masculinity and requires the audience to subscribe to the hetero-normative values outlined by the advertisement. Throughout the advertisement the male, through both his actions and language, is asking the female audience if they want this man, it is playing on the assumption that this form of idealised masculinity is the version of masculinity that the female audience would desire of their 'men', by repeatedly asking whether they desire this man. This is achieved through his feats, abilities, and his knowledge of stereotypical female desires. This is further enhanced by utilizing the 'female gaze' over the males body, unusually for a male product, rather than the 'male gaze' typically being used to advertise men's products, such as Lynx. The male in the advertisement is seen throughout all three versions standing and walking topless through the scenery whilst performing his desirable tasks, the chiselled physique of the man, who alerts the audience to it through his speech, is on show allowing the audience to take control over their gaze and become active participants in the sexualised nature of his body. Within this advertisement campaign the male on show offers all of the qualities associated with the idealised form of masculinity that the female audience is told to desire in media portrayals of masculinity. As Suzanne Moore writes “he is tough but tender, masculine but sensitive – he can cry, cuddle babies and best of all buy cosmetics. He is not afraid to be seen caring but mostly he cares about how he looks” (Moore, 1988; 45). The 'female gaze' in this advertisement, speaks to the predominantly female audience of desirability, they are allowed into this man’s world to gaze upon his body, to listen to his reassuring words of lovingness and accept his gifts. The scenery plays a large part in creating a desirability for this man, and as a result the promise that this product will offer the women if she buys it for her man, with carefully selected locations including expensive boats, exotic locations, dream homes, even the voyeuristic appeal of the shower all appealing to the lifestyle aspirations of the females this advert is targeting. These locations and subtle hints at the economic or cultural capital of the man in question, in addition to his looks, appeal to the female audience as Moore writes “campaigns aimed at women sometimes deliberately play upon the ability of women to decode the visual clues that signal class and status” (Moore, 1988; 49). Playing into this is the presumed wealth of the male in the advertisement, he is able to provide exotic locations and gifts to the female audience at their whim, transporting the audience all over the world and through locations that would be beyond the reach of the ordinary male. Although the advertisement plays into the 'female gaze', the power over his sexuality is still his, by directing the audience to look at his body it acts as an assurance to the female audience that they are allowed to look at him sexually. The purpose of this is to retain control and not appear 'passive', and therefore be conceived as having feminine qualities. Power and control is a central theme in this advertisement. When the man is submitting himself to the audience, by playing to their perceived desires sexually, spiritually and economically, he still maintains control through the interaction with the female audience and his masculinity by being 'active' and performing masculine tasks. Dyer, cited in Steinman, states when writing about male bodies in movies “Images must disavow... passivity if they are to be kept in line with dominant ideas of masculinity-as-activity” (Steinman, 1992; 202). His constant eye contact with the camera serves to assure his dominance in the situation and over the audience, portraying a man who is confident in knowing what the audience desires and needs from their man. This also acts as a bridge between the 'real world' and the 'fake world' of the advertisement, allowing the audience to feel as though they are being directly spoken to by this man. 

The content of the advertisement produces many signs to make both the male and the product desirable equally to males and female audiences. The advertisement progresses through three key scenes seamlessly, with the man performing his monologue in one unbroken sequence, whilst performing seemingly impossible feats. This advertisement relies on the magical element to persuade the viewer that these feats are accomplished by this perfect man and that they may be within reach of the ordinary man if they use Old Spice. The use of signs to signify the man's position in the social and economic hierarchy as a result of his manliness serves to further imprint this argument on to the audience. Throughout the advertisement, all products and offerings to the female audience are held in the left hand of the male on screen, which initially hold an Old Spice product. This encourages the audience to create a link mentally between the products qualities as a provider of masculinity and the rewards for the female audience for purchasing the product for their partners. At the start the camera catches the male in the bathroom with the shower running and the man wearing only a towel to cover the lower half of his body. The narrative directs the female audience towards the man on screen by asking them to look at their man and compare them, before adding “sadly he isn't me, but if he stopped using lady scented body-wash and switched to Old Spice he could smell like he's me”. In the terms of Baudrillard, this narrative forms the distinction between this product and the other, and between the masculine and the feminine in relation to the desirability of the product, “a need is not a need for a particular object as much as it is a “need” for difference” (Kellner, 1989; 15). This positioning of the product away from the 'lady scented' products sets the presents later offered in opposition to the other, what would be offered by a feminine man or product, throughout the remainder of the advertisement. With the implication that all the man achieves throughout the advert would not be possible without obtaining the status by being different and switching from the products rivals. The bathroom itself is clean, uncluttered and minimalist. These characteristics act as a signifier of this males lack of femininity, with no colour present in the shower room and no other products on show. The positioning of the man in the centre of the scenery draws your attention to his body which is on show to highlight the masculine traits that this ideal man possesses, with the facial hair, muscular physique (Steinman, 1992), and the fact he is black all acting as a signifier for the hyper-masculinity of the male in the advertisement. The stance and expression of the man, alonside the deep voice, further enhances this association with masculinity through the composition of the image. These traits are designed to maintain the sense of power and authority over the audience assuring them that this performance of masculinity is the one that all men should aspire towards. The positioning of the product, although initially hidden, also serves to act as a sign that Old Spice can transform your man into this form of masculinity, with its central position alongside the male performer. The proximity of the two providing the only contrast to the dull white and grey background of the initial shower scene. Following this the bathroom moves out of shot, revealing a boat that the man is standing on, this boat acts in itself as a signifier for wealth and authority. As is noted by MacKinnon, authority for a male character in advertising not derived only from his physical appearance, stating “his strength may be suggested not only in terms of his physique, but also in the suggestion of his affluence and business success” (MacKinnon, 2003; 89). The boats location in an exotic, or at least hot climate, encourages the audience to aspire to not only this form of hyper-masculinity but also for the material wealth that the advertisers are associating with a successful masculine male. The positioning of the shirt that falls as the scene changes around the neck of the man indicates an upper middle class background, a reference to the preppy subculture in the USA (Ward, 2010). This subculture is known for its expensive clothing, university education and the high cultured status of individuals within it. The timing of this shirts positioning around the man’s upper torso indicates an arrival for the male into the upper middle classes by embracing the masculinity offered by the Old Spice product. The transition and attainment of social power is a technique used greatly in advertising when trying to convince the consumer that they will transcend class boundaries or confirm their own status through the consumption of the product, as Douglas Kellner writes when discussing Baudrillard, “individuals distinguish themselves and attain social prestige through the purchase and use of consumer goods” (Kellner, 1989; 15). This is due to the nature of the two scenes during this transition, the original bathroom scene was a dull composition of white and grey with little to distinguish it as being an expensive location. Almost immediately after the Old Spice product is revealed and men embrace hyper-masculinity the shirt falls and the scenery changes to an exotic and expensive location. This is the arrival of the proper form of masculinity, made possible by using Old Spice, and where the man has earned enough money and status to acquire his own boat and travel to exotic locations. The Flags positioned behind the man in the first part of the opening scene indicate a well travelled and cultured man, with flags from countries such as Finland, France and Japan further solidifying the association between using Old Spice, becoming a real man, and then being able to afford travel to exotic locations. As the scene progresses the man magically makes an oyster appear with tickets inside to the “thing you love” indicating a deep knowledge of female desires playing upon the stereotypes of males in society not understanding women (Brizendine, 2010). This advert is saying that although this product will make a man who uses Old Spice become more masculine it will also allow him to better understand your needs and desires. This form of masculinity is therefore desirable for both him and the female the advertisement is targeting. The man's superhuman ability comes into play again quickly when he transforms the tickets and oyster into diamonds. This serves two purposes, to highlight the man's status upon becoming a more masculine male and being able to afford the more expensive luxury items, the use of diamonds to highlight this whilst using a black actor is reflective of the commodity fetishism associated with black 'bling culture'. When writing about 'bling' in films and television Mukherjee noted that the culture celebrated “neo-liberal individualism and the promise of class transcendence” (Mukherjee, 2006; 606). Less apparent but more powerful is the syntagmatic association between diamonds being a 'girls best friend' (Hawks, 1953) and the transformation of this male into your best friend through the use of Old Spice body-wash. This association with the use of Old Spice and the transformation of their man into their perfect man is enhanced when the diamonds begin to transform back into a bottle of Old Spice whilst the man says “anything is possible when your man smells like Old Spice and not a lady”. Whilst this transition of the tickets, into diamonds, into the Old Spice symbolic of the 'man your man could be', is happening the scenery changes once more from the boat into a beach tableau where the natural setting reassures the audience of the naturality of the masculine identity being portrayed in this advertisement. Alongside the horse that the man appears on during the final few seconds of the advert, it shows the masculine identity being portrayed as timeless, as powerful, and as capable of adventure. As Merskin notes “when the rugged Marlboro man is situated on his horse, on the open plain, almost always alone, the meanings of the constellation become clear – freedom, love of the outdoors, release from the confines of industrialised society – he is a “real man”, self-sufficient and individualistic” (Merskin, 2001; 162). The choice of a white horse serves symbolically to highlight the purity of this ascension into an idealised form of hyper-masculinity and of the choice to be a 'real man' achieved through the use of Old Spice.

The Old Spice campaign targets females in this advertisement, making clear assumptions of male beauty and desirability often associated with idealised masculinity in western cultures. The use of a stereotypically attractive male physique and confident demeanour, as well as the status symbols associated with the male in this advert, provide him authority over what he is saying about masculinity and the products ability to transpose some of these characteristics on to any man who uses Old Spice. The position of the man throughout the advertisement in the centre of the screen ensures that the focus of the audience remains on him at all times, allowing the man to remain in control of the situation and of the female audiences gaze so, although he surrenders some authority over his sexuality, the power still remains with the man providing the product with even greater sense of masculinity associated with it. The risk of alienating a male audience through directly speaking to women has been offset by the humorous nature of the dialogue and visuals in the advertisement, meaning that the male consumers of this product do not become threatened by the nature of the male in the advert. The advertisements visual signs throughout the story indicate that the product is being associated with masculinity, power and class mobility. The story appears to be assuring females that a more masculine partner would provide economic and social benefits to themselves and to him, and that it can only be achieved through the use of Old Spice body-wash. 

References

Elliott, J and Wootton, A. J. (1997). 'Some Ritual Idioms of Gender in British Television Advertising'. The Sociological Review. 45 (3), 437-452. 

Moore, S. (1988). 'Here's Looking at You, Kid!'. In: Gamman, L and Marshment, M. The Female Gaze: Women as Viewers of Popular Culture. London: The Women's Press. 44-59. 

Steinman, C. (1992). 'Gaze Out of Bounds: Men Watching Men on Television'. In: Craig, C. Men, Masculinity, and the Media. London: Sage. 199-214. 

Kellner, D. (1989). Jean Baudrillard: From Marxism to Postmodernism and Beyond. Cambridge: Polity Press. 

MacKinnon, K. (2003). Representing Men: Maleness and Masculinity in the Media. London: Arnold Publishers.

Ward, R. K. (2010). The Official Preppy Handbook. Available: http://fashionandpower.blogspot.co.uk/2010/04/official-preppy-handbook.html. Last accessed 4th May 2013. 

Brizendine, L. (2010). Why your man will NEVER understand how you feel. Available: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-1262932/Why-man-NEVER-understand-feel.html. Last accessed 6th May 2013. 

Merskin, D. (2001). 'Winnebagos, Cherokees, Apaches, and Dakotas: The Persistence of Stereotyping of American Indians in American Advertising Brands'. Howard Journal of Communications. 12 (3), 159-169. 

Mukherjee, R. (2006). 'The Ghetto Fabulous Aesthetic in Contemporary Black Culture'. Cultural Studies. 20 (6), 599-629. 

Gentlemen Prefer Blondes, (1953). Film. Directed by Hawks, H. USA: 20th Century Fox.

Smell Like a Man, Man, (2010). TV Advertisement. Directed by Unknown. USA: Wieden and Kennedy.

The Social Significance Of Humour: Nathan Barley

The social phenomenon of humour has attracted the interest of theorists with competing views of the role it plays within a social environment. One such theory that attempts to provide an understanding of humour is the 'incongruity' theory which states that humour is formed by aligning two distinct subjects, that appear on the surface to be very different from one another, into one subject thus revealing the truth of that subject, in essence it is satirical. This theory suggests that humour is concerned with critiquing the political and cultural irrationality of institutions and individuals in daily life.

A comedic text which incorporates elements of incongruity to create humour and message is the television show Nathan Barley (2005) written by Chris Morris and Charlie Brooker. The shows premise centres on the rise of new media productions since the increase in digital television availability, and in particular the internet, which gives a platform for expression to those who previously would be unable or excluded from the mass media. The first episode begins by highlighting one example of this in the website www.trashbat.co.ck which is run by Nathan Barley, an example of the idiocy infecting the urban environment and media. His status, and subsequently the status of the followers of this trend, as an 'idiot' is established by Dan Ashcroft's article 'The Rise of the Idiots' as read aloud by Dan and Nathan themselves in the first episode's opening minutes. This article sets the parameters for the comedy and establishes the language and mannerisms of these idiotic urban professionals as the humorous element of the series, by being simultaneously a product of, and parody of the modern media both in the context of the series and in reality. This parodying of aspects of the social and political world is important because “modern laughter is the applause given in a civic theatre devoted to performances in which the discourses of public life are doubled, unmasked, and remediated” (Hariman, 2008: 263). If the article can be considered a linguistic form of wit in connecting opposing realities to reveal the truth, for example, in the lines “the idiots are self-regarding consumer slaves oblivious to the paradox of their uniform individuality, they sculpt their hair to casual perfection” then the opposing characteristics of Dan's melancholy and Nathan's foolishness present two humours. The 18^th century terminology outlined by incongruity theorists for a 'humourist', in being someone “with an extreme character that seemed to compromise a single humour rather than a balance of various humours” (Billig, 2005: 62).

More importantly for the shows comedy the audience is invited to relate to Dan Ashcroft in his ridiculing of those who work within this new media and their tastes in entertainment, fashion, and the cultural contribution, or lack of, that they provide. He is distinguished from the majority of the 'humours' that populate this comedic text by his ability to provide wit in situations that the 'idiots' are unable to understand, often as commentary upon their ridiculous and often immoral nature. An example of this in the re-branding of Sugar Ape, the magazine that Dan Ashcroft reluctantly works for, which changes its logo from reading Sugarape to what appears to be Rape with the suga being incorporated into the structure of the R. The incongruity between the journalists endorsing a re-branding of their magazine into something that is offensive and the usual corporate attitude to negative publicity creates the comedy. This works satirically as the truth is revealed at once in that the shock value of such re-branding can be deemed desirable to some sections of the media, particularly in the new media avenues that Nathan Barley is satirising. From an incongruity theorists perspective, mockery provides a moral purpose and usefulness, it critiques their actions and makes the subject of the mockery question their perspective, or in the case of this comedy highlighting the existence and satirising these media outlets it encourages the audience to question the ethical implications of doing such. Therefore, the societal function of laughter directed at a person or institution is that “it curbs the sallies of eccentricity, it recalls the attention of mankind to the one uniform standard of reason and common sense” (Smith cited in Billig, 2005: 79). In other words it trains individuals through fear of ridicule to understand the importance of, and to conform to certain social values concerning taste.

A less subtle form of incongruity is presented within the comedy of Nathan Barley due to the behaviour of Dan Ashcroft's colleagues at Sugar Ape, often seen playing games and acting in a juvenile manner whilst in the office space. The juxtaposition between the behaviour of the journalists and the professional environment the inhabit seems to be conflicting in its nature, however, it reveals a truth about modern corporate structures that value structured fun as a strategy for improving workplace morale and team cohesion. A further truth is added to this incongruity in that Dan Ashcroft is visibly dissatisfied with this corporate silliness, which echoes the sentiments of many office workers in society. The essence of the comedy in this is that it “lets us see the familiar defamiliarized, the ordinary made extraordinary and the real rendered surreal” (Critchley, 2002: 10) as such it encourages the audience to observe the irrationality of the modern white-collar workplace.

Nathan Barley gains significance through its critique of modern media culture and its influence on the wider society, the comedic text utilises the humour and wit of incongruity to project the ridiculousness of the characters to the audience. The incongruity in the humour encourages the audience to engage with the rationality of practises and taken for granted assumptions in society by revealing their irrational nature. In doing so it reveals the social function of comedy as an important tool for individuals in society to utilise in critically evaluating their understanding of correct mannerisms and taste.

References

Hariman, R. (2008), Political Parody and Public Culture. Quarterly Journal of Speech. 94 (3). 247-272.

Billig, M. (2005). Laughter and Ridicule: Towards a Social Critique of Humour. London: Sage.

Critchley, S. (2002). On Humour. London: Routledge.

Brooker, C and Morris, C. (2005), Nathan Barley, Television Programme: Talkback Productions.